¿Alguien ha intentado mapear el Hidage Tribal?

¿Alguien ha intentado mapear el Hidage Tribal?

The Tribal Hidage estableció el número de hogares que viven en diferentes reinos y sub-reinos de la Inglaterra anglosajona. ¿Se ha realizado algún trabajo para mapear estos datos, en particular comparándolos con los registros detallados del Domesday Book u otros censos detallados más cercanos a la fecha? En particular, me interesan las tribus más pequeñas del "Ángulo Medio" mencionadas, como los Gifle, Hicca y Willa.


Según wikipedia, sí, varias personas han hecho varias asignaciones contra documentos históricos conocidos, aunque no puedo encontrar nada con el nivel de detalle que me gustaría.

Sir Henry Spelman fue el primero en publicar The Tribal Hidage en su primer volumen de Glossarium Archaiologicum (1626) y también hay una versión del texto en un libro escrito en 1691 por Thomas Gale, pero no surgió una discusión real sobre el Hidage Tribal hasta 1848, cuando John Mitchell Kemble Los sajones en Inglaterra fue publicado. En 1884, Walter de Gray Birch escribió un artículo para la Sociedad Arqueológica Británica, en el que discutía en detalle la ubicación de cada una de las tribus. El término Hidage tribal fue presentado por Frederic William Maitland en 1897, en su libro Libro de Domesday y más allá. Durante las siguientes décadas, los artículos fueron publicados por William John Corbett (1900), Hector Munro Chadwick (1905) y John Brownbill (1912 y 1925). Los relatos posteriores más importantes del Hidage Tribal desde Corbett, según Campbell, son de Josiah Cox Russell (1947), Cyril Hart (1971), Wendy Davies y Hayo Vierck (1974) y David Dumville (1989). [39]

  • Hart, The Tribal Hidage, págs. 135-136, 156.
  • Hill y Rumble, La defensa de Wessex, pág. 183.

"Domesday Book and Beyond: Three Essays in the Early History of England" incluye una comparación de alto nivel de Tribal Hildage, Burghal Hildage y otros documentos con el Domesday Book. Uno de los problemas señalados aquí es la incertidumbre de la definición de la unidad de medida "oculta". Dado que se trataba de documentos fiscales, era ventajoso para las personas declarar incorrectamente las cosas a su favor, y esto se puede ver en las discrepancias obvias entre los documentos posteriores. Domesday asigna 70.000 pieles a toda Inglaterra, mientras que en Tribal Hidage llega a más de 240.000 pieles.

Otra referencia que suena interesante (pero no disponible online):

  • http://www.lib.unc.edu/mss/inv/l/Lemcke,Ernest_Gustave.html - Manuscrito inédito con mapas titulado "The Tribal Hidage o Primer censo inglés" por Ernest Gustave Lemcke, un estudio del llamado Hidage Tribal, impreso en Birch, que trata sobre la geografía y la demografía de Inglaterra en el siglo VII.

Mapas

  • http://www8.georgetown.edu/departments/medieval/labyrinth/library/oe/texts/tribes.gif"> Antigua Gran Bretaña: mapa de las principales antigüedades visibles de Gran Bretaña anteriores al 1066 d. C.

  • Gran Bretaña antes de la conquista normanda: 871 d. C. a 1066 d. C. (norte) y… (sur)


Me las arreglé para encontrar esto para empezar:

The Gifle (300 pieles), ubicado en el este de Bedfordshire (mapa aquí en la página 10)


La tribu aislada que mató a un misionero estadounidense de 26 años ha sido contactada por el mundo exterior al menos 11 veces antes - aquí & # x27s lo que sucedió cada vez

Los sentineleses, una pequeña tribu de indígenas que viven en la isla Sentinel del norte de la India, han llamado la atención internacional por supuestamente matar al misionero estadounidense John Allen Chau, que parecía estar visitando la isla en una misión religiosa, escribiendo en su diario: "Señor, ¿Es esta isla el último bastión de Satanás donde nadie ha escuchado o tenido la oportunidad de escuchar tu nombre? "

No fue la primera vez que la tribu interactuó con personas del mundo exterior, ni la primera vez que mataron a un intruso.

Los sentineleses, parte de los Andamanese (un grupo de tribus que viven en las remotas islas Andaman en la Bahía de Bengala), tienen una larga historia de contacto ocasional con forasteros. Desde la década de 1800, ha habido varios contactos registrados con la tribu, y los antropólogos han realizado visitas regulares desde la década de 1960.

No todos han sido amistosos. En 1880, un colonizador británico secuestró a seis de los sentineleses. Y en 2006, las tribus mataron a dos pescadores que capturaban cangrejos en la costa de la isla.

Aquí hay 11 puntos de contacto conocidos entre los sentineleses y el mundo exterior, y lo que sucedió en cada ocasión.


"Puedes pensar en esta era como un agujero negro en el que cae nuestra historia": Max Adams sobre Gran Bretaña después de que los romanos se fueran

Todo arqueólogo medieval temprano tiene que enfrentarse a la "Edad Media" tarde o temprano. Es un poco como un actor de Shakespeare enfrentándose a Lear. En algún momento, tendrás que intentarlo. Se podría pensar en este período tan oscuro como un agujero negro en el que cae nuestra historia. Tienes que sostener una vela para vislumbrar lo que está sucediendo, lo que también lo hace irresistible.

Cualquiera que investigue la Edad Media temprana comienza con el gran historiador de Europa occidental en ese período, el Venerable Beda. Pero incluso Beda, que es extremadamente prolífico, apenas dice nada sobre Gran Bretaña en este momento. Cubre alrededor de 150 años en solo 19 líneas. No hay fuentes romanas, y las únicas narraciones que tenemos son un sermón de un clérigo que ni siquiera podemos fechar, un par de documentos de San Patricio y algunas referencias oscuras del continente.

Las interpretaciones tradicionales de este período han sido completamente encadenadas por el nacionalismo: se tratan de británicos que son esclavos o invasores anglosajones, como si estas reglas de etnia nacional se aplicaran en este período. Esto se debe en parte a que el principal historiador en el que tenemos que confiar es Gildas, un sacerdote en el que ahora se podría pensar como una especie de fundamentalista fulminante y despotricador. No se anda con rodeos: los sajones son "perros inmundos" y los reyes cristianos malos son "pero los hijos bastardos de las prostitutas". Pero eso no es muy útil para reconstruir la historia. Entonces en El primer reino, He intentado alejarme de todo eso.

Max Adams es el autor de El Primer Reino, Gran Bretaña en la Era de Arturo (Apolo, 2020)

¿Puede la arqueología darnos más pistas?

Los arqueólogos han pasado los últimos 150 años mostrando cómo su disciplina puede funcionar. Y este es el período en el que necesitamos que la arqueología entregue más que nunca. Pero, lamentablemente, tenemos muy poco en qué basarnos o faltan las herramientas que normalmente tenemos a nuestra disposición para este período.

En primer lugar, confiamos en cosas con las que podamos fechar, como trozos de madera con anillos de árboles. Pero para los años 400 a 600, tenemos muy pocos ejemplos disponibles. La alfarería, que también utilizamos hasta la fecha, no se fabricaba en cantidades industriales. La otra tarjeta para salir de la cárcel para los arqueólogos es la datación por radiocarbono, que normalmente puede proporcionar fechas dentro de unos 50 años. Pero da la casualidad de que el contenido de carbono atmosférico se vuelve loco durante esos 200 años, por lo que ni siquiera eso ayuda. Todo lo que podemos hacer es raspar con nuestras paletas y tratar de juntar los fragmentos de evidencia que tenemos.

¿Qué podría sugerir esta falta de evidencia sobre lo que sucedió en Gran Bretaña después de la caída de Roma?

Esa es la vieja pregunta de cualquier título de arqueología de primer término: ¿es evidencia de ausencia o es ausencia de evidencia? ¿Nos estamos perdiendo algo porque no estamos buscando en el lugar correcto o simplemente no hay nada que encontrar? La arqueología cada vez más sensible está demostrando que las cosas están ahí. Pero es bastante difícil de entender, y cuando lo hacemos, es bastante difícil entender qué está pasando. Así que tenemos que hacer un pensamiento imaginativo en torno a la arqueología para retratar una imagen mucho más sutil.

¿Y qué fue exactamente la "caída de Roma"? ¿Fue una catástrofe? ¿Una revolución? ¿O una evolución demasiado sutil para que podamos vigilarla de cerca? La idea de que Gran Bretaña fue invadida por legionarios italianos con espadas que abandonaron repentinamente el barco en el siglo IV ciertamente no se sostiene. Gran Bretaña en ese momento es británica. Los idiomas que se hablan son el británico, un antecedente reconocible del galés, el latín vernáculo coloquial tardío, el irlandés y alguna forma de dialecto germánico-frisón, que termina como una especie de lengua franca 200 años después. Realmente no podemos estar seguros de si eso se debe a una invasión de los pueblos alemanes, que es la visión tradicional, o si está sucediendo algo más sutil. Hoy en día, la gente come McDonald's y conduce automóviles japoneses, pero eso no significa que estemos sujetos a una conquista militar por parte de esa gente. Los artefactos que encuentran los arqueólogos no son biografías de las personas con quienes los encontramos.

Una cosa de la que podemos estar seguros es que Gran Bretaña en el 400 d.C. se ve muy diferente a Gran Bretaña en el 600 d.C. para rastrearlos hasta las cosas que sucedieron antes de 400. En otras palabras, no estamos buscando una discontinuidad absoluta o una catástrofe, sino cómo lo que ya existía en 400 podría haberse transformado en otra cosa.

¿Cómo cambiaron las cosas entre el 400 y el 600 d.C.?

Lo más dramático que todavía no podemos explicar es una disminución significativa de la población. Las últimas estimaciones de la población de la Gran Bretaña romana están en la región de 3 a 3,5 millones. En los días de Bede, no estaba ni cerca de eso: ese tipo de números de población no se recuperaron hasta después de Domesday Book a fines del siglo XI.

Hay algunas formas de explicar esa disminución de la población. Gildas quiere hacernos creer que toda esa gente estaba muriendo en las calles en alguna gran catástrofe. Pero si es así, ¿por qué no encontramos los cuerpos? Tampoco encontramos ninguna evidencia de personas que huyen temiendo por sus vidas, dejando atrás sus casas, sus posesiones, cualquier cosa que no puedan llevar, el tipo de evidencia que se encuentra en Pompeya o Chernobyl. Del mismo modo, cuestionaría las teorías sobre un descenso al caos y la guerra, porque casi ningún cuerpo de esta época tiene heridas con armas de fuego. El número real de esqueletos de este momento que muestran evidencia de haber sido heridos en una pelea es solo alrededor del 2 por ciento. La mayoría de la gente muere de enfermedades paralizantes y de vejez.

Explicaciones más sutiles podrían ser un aumento de la mortalidad infantil, una disminución lenta de la tasa de natalidad o quizás un aumento de la tasa de mortalidad que lleve a una disminución de la población en el transcurso de 50 o incluso 100 años. Esto no parece tan dramático como un colapso catastrófico de la población.

Lo que encontramos es que el espacio está siendo reutilizado, y esa es una historia mucho más sutil. Alguien cavando un agujero en el suelo de mosaico del comedor de una villa romana y convirtiéndolo en una fundición de hierro, por ejemplo. ¿Por qué, en lugar de invitar a cenar a amigos de élite, alguien ahora está fundiendo metal en el comedor? También encontramos un gran manto de tierra oscura que cubre las ciudades romanas, ¿qué significa, de dónde viene? Tienes que pensar de forma bastante ágil para tratar de comprender un mundo que parece estar cambiando tan rápidamente.

¿Se perdieron todos los avances de la era romana?

Si estamos hablando de una villa romana de élite con mosaicos, por ejemplo, ¿es eso un avance? ¿O es una forma bastante grotesca de consumo llamativo de la que la gente finalmente se cansa? Piense en las grandes casas de campo de la Inglaterra de Jane Austen. Muchos de ellos todavía existen, pero ya no son casas particulares. Son hoteles, o lugares para bodas, reutilizados porque su ostentación palaciega parece bastante grotesca en el siglo XXI. La mayoría de las villas romanas no eran propiedad de personas que vivían en ellas. Había muchos propietarios ausentes.

Y a finales del siglo IV, las villas romanas no se adaptaban a las necesidades de la sociedad. Para entonces, parece haber estado surgiendo un sistema de señorío, en el que las autoridades locales estaban elevando los rendimientos de alimentos y servicios que atraían a sí mismos. Estamos hablando de carretas de madera, miel o cerveza y caballos, ovejas, lana y productos artesanales. Uno de los propósitos clave de este sistema era que tenía que celebrar fiestas y redistribuir los productos. Pero la villa romana era totalmente inapropiada para tales actividades porque estaba diseñada como un comedor privado. No funcionaría para el ensamblaje o el procesamiento de mercancías.

En cambio, lo que comienza a ver son lugares de reunión construidos un poco lejos de las villas. La gente recrea la dinámica social de la Edad del Hierro en un granero romano que se transforma en sala de hidromiel. El salón de hidromiel de Beowulf es esencialmente una conversión de granero. Ahora, ¿deberíamos ver eso como una revolución o una adaptación a un mundo diferente?

¿Qué más puede decirnos sobre ese sistema emergente de señorío?

Una ley de los reyes de Kent establece que si estás deambulando por Kent en 600 y no tocas la bocina para anunciar tu presencia, puedes ser arrestado. ¿Porqué es eso? Porque las personas que se mueven por ese paisaje deben pertenecer a alguien. Lo primero que le vas a preguntar a alguien si lo conoces es: "¿Quién es tu señor?"

En lugar de un emperador romano, surgen muchos más señores locales. Estos pueden ser el antiguo comandante del fuerte romano o el antiguo administrador de una villa cuyo jefe nunca regresará y que se hace cargo y la reorganiza como un centro local de dependencia comunitaria redistributiva. La comparación más cercana a la forma en que funcionaba el señorío sería una fragata naval de la época de Horatio Nelson, donde la lealtad entre un capitán y sus dependientes funcionaba en ambos sentidos: él era de ellos tanto como ellos.

Una de las cosas más hermosas que surgieron de Beda proviene de una pequeña línea descartable sobre el rey de Northumbria, Edwin, que pasó 36 días en su palacio en Yeavering. Un colega mío, Colin O’Brien, preguntó: ¿por qué un gran señor se quedaría en un lugar específicamente durante 36 días? Bueno, 36 días es una décima parte de un año. Las implicaciones de eso son realmente profundas para comprender este período. Piense en todos los bienes y servicios de un territorio que se llevan a un señor para que los use y consuma. Eventualmente, podría convertirse en el señor de más de uno de estos territorios, y si los bienes todavía van a un lugar central en ese territorio, ¿cómo los vas a consumir? La respuesta es: tienes que visitar cada territorio por turnos para consumir su render, y vas durante 36 días porque estás consumiendo un impuesto del 10 por ciento en esa tierra. Es una visión brillante de cómo funciona todo el sistema.

Una de las cosas del señorío es que descienden como langostas y consumen una gran cantidad de calorías. Si quieres imaginar un lugar como Yeavering, tienes que pensar en una pintura de Bruegel, o en un cruce entre el Yorkshire County Show, el festival de Glastonbury y un motín en el centro de la ciudad de Londres, lleno de atracones y sin duda peleas mientras todos la comida y la bebida se consumieron en un solo lugar.

Lo que también ves emerger son redes de patrocinio y dependencia, en las que familias vinculadas, clanes y alianzas de parentesco ayudan a fomentar la cohesión social cuando no hay Estado. El hogar era la unidad social principal, una jerarquía que consistía en hombres y mujeres jefes de hogar en la parte superior, con todo tipo de relaciones colaterales y varios niveles de dependientes libres y no libres debajo.

¿Tenemos alguna idea de cómo la gente en este momento percibía su propia identidad?

Lo que es tan emocionante es que parece haber existido un mosaico de identidades muy amplio y ecléctico. Algunas personas se identifican con la tierra y con sus hogares. Algunas comunidades llevan el nombre de un fundador ancestral, y otras se identifican con un grupo mucho más amplio por la forma en que abordan la vida y la muerte.

Junto a esos fuertes sentimientos de apego a la casa, la familia, el lugar local o los espíritus locales, estaban las identidades regionales. Si reúne los nombres de todos los lugares y pueblos que podemos reunir, creo que puede crear un mapa de la Gran Bretaña del siglo VI que tiene entre 200 y 300 pequeñas identidades regionales, de los reinos de Mercia, Northumbria y Kent, hasta a pequeñas comunidades que a menudo se concentran en pequeños ríos. Estos aparecen en un documento brillante llamado Tribal Hidage, que registra esta jerarquía de pueblos que deben tributo a un gran señor. Lo que revela es una geografía a pequeña escala de los primeros reinos medievales de Gran Bretaña que estaban emergiendo después del colapso del dominio romano.

Este mosaico dinámico de diferentes identidades locales fue moldeado por la geografía. Las personas en los pantanos de East Anglia, por ejemplo, tendrían un sentido de identidad muy diferente al de las personas que viven en las Tierras Altas o en la costa, porque su entorno era completamente diferente. Nombres como “gente del pantano fangoso” o “gente de la primavera” nos dicen mucho sobre lo que la gente pensaba de sí misma. Siempre se dice en broma que la división norte-sur comienza en Watford Gap, y lo interesante es que Watling Street es una línea divisoria geográfica entre todos los ríos que fluyen de norte a este y todos los ríos que fluyen de sur a oeste. Es una verdadera frontera en el paisaje. Simplemente muestra cómo la gente es sensible a las pequeñas sutilezas geográficas.

¿Cómo cambiaron las afiliaciones religiosas y qué impacto tuvo eso en el desarrollo de la sociedad?

Tendemos a pensar en la Inglaterra anglosajona antes del cristianismo como "pagana". Pero el paganismo es un término inútil, ya que todo lo que realmente significa es "no cristiano". En este período, sospecho que hubo una coagulación de deidades reemergentes de la Edad del Hierro, conjuntos de creencias y sistemas de creencias altamente localizados como el animismo (donde se ve que los manantiales, colinas o árboles tienen espíritus). Las personas estaban interesadas en todas las cosas que siempre han estado: tratar de empujar las probabilidades a su favor en cuestiones de destino, pobreza, fertilidad, muerte, enfermedad, matrimonio o malas cosechas.

En el este de Inglaterra parece haber habido un rechazo total de todo lo romano, incluido el cristianismo. Mientras tanto, en el lejano oeste, que era muy resistente a Roma, la gente se volvió ultrarromana y abrazó el cristianismo. Una forma ultraconservadora de cristianismo surgió entre los pueblos del oeste de habla británica, que terminó explotando en sus rostros cuando San Agustín llegó en 597 y descubrió que los obispos allí estaban 200 años desfasados.

Finalmente, surgió un sacerdocio intelectual alfabetizado que ofreció a los reyes no solo el éxito en la vida y en el campo de batalla, sino, para usar la famosa metáfora de Beda, un lugar adonde ir después de que salieran volando de la sala de hidromiel de la vida hacia la oscuridad eterna. Se les ofreció un lugar al lado de Dios a perpetuidad a cambio de dar a la iglesia la propiedad absoluta de la tierra. Ese es el trato que nos sacó de la Edad Media: a partir de ese momento, la Europa medieval despegó de manera espectacular.

Una figura que siempre se menciona cuando hablamos de este período es el Rey Arturo. ¿Por qué la gente está tan obsesionada con él y podemos rastrearlo en cualquier tipo de registro histórico?

Permítanme engañar a esa pregunta haciéndome otra: ¿por qué los arqueólogos no interesado en Arthur? Habla con casi cualquier arqueólogo y te dirán que el Rey Arturo es poco interesante e irrelevante. No es que pensemos que Arthur no existía. Si Arthur no existiera, ciertamente hubo Arturo. Y creo que si lo pusieras en alguna parte, debes ubicarlo a principios del siglo quinto. Si es algo, es romano. Pero no era un rey. Para cuando Arthur aparece en una serie de anales con fechas junto a su nombre, no hay reyes, solo pequeños señores. Si es algo, es un comandante militar.

El verdadero problema con Arthur no es que no haya existido, sino que no nos dice nada útil. ¿Qué puede decirnos sobre el sistema de señorío que surge en este período? ¿Dónde están sus territorios? ¿Quiénes son su pueblo? ¿Cuál es su genealogía? No nos da nada. No es un señor territorial y, por tanto, no nos ayuda a explicar nada sobre el desarrollo político de una nueva geografía de personas y señoríos.

Para entender por qué la gente está obsesionada con Arthur, realmente debes mirar al siglo IX, cuando surgen las leyendas que lo rodean. Es un período de gran incertidumbre y todos buscan un santo. La iglesia se está derrumbando y los escandinavos están atacando. A medida que las poderosas dinastías de los estados anglosajones y galeses en competencia comienzan a consolidar su poder, quieren que antepasados ​​heroicos miren hacia atrás y digan: "No solo fuimos grandes una vez, podemos ser grandes otra vez". Esos mitos necesitan una persona conveniente y heroica para unirse, alguien como Arthur.


Los mapas tienen el poder de moldear la historia

En 1828, Emma Willard tenía 41 años y sólo un poco más que los propios Estados Unidos de América, si se empieza a contar desde 1789, cuando entró en vigor la Constitución de los Estados Unidos. Por supuesto, también había otras formas de contar. El país tenía un sólido 45, si se marca el tiempo desde el Tratado de París, que puso fin a la Guerra Revolucionaria y reconoció la soberanía estadounidense, y un poco más de 50, si se comienza a contar desde 1777, cuando se firmaron los Artículos de Confederación. En 1828, la historia del país todavía era maleable, solo se le estaba dando una forma que se convertiría en historia. La contribución de Willard a ese proceso fue hacer mapas.

Willard es una de las primeras, quizás la primera, creadora de mapas en Estados Unidos. Maestra, pionera de la educación para mujeres y fundadora de su propia escuela, Willard estaba fascinada con el poder de la geografía y el potencial de los mapas para contar historias. En 1828, publicó una serie de mapas como parte de su Historia de los Estados Unidos o República de América, que mostraba gráficamente cómo había llegado a ser el país, tal como ella lo entendía. Fue el primer libro de este tipo & # 8212el primer atlas que presenta la evolución de América.

El libro comenzó con un mapa (abajo) que era inusual e innovador para su época. Intentó documentar la historia y el movimiento de las tribus nativas americanas en el pasado precolonial. El atlas de Willard también contó una historia sobre el triunfo de los colonos anglosajones en esta parte del mundo. Ella ayudó a solidificar, tanto para sus compañeros como para sus estudiantes, una narrativa del destino y la inevitabilidad estadounidenses.

El mapa de Willard & # 8217s & # 8220introductory & # 8221 mostró los movimientos de las tribus. Cortesía de Boston Rare Maps

& # 8220 Ella & # 8217 es una exuberante nacionalista & # 8221, dice Susan Schulten, historiadora de la Universidad de Denver y autora de Mapeo de la nación: historia y cartografía en la América del siglo XIX. & # 8220Ella & # 8217 está extraordinariamente orgullosa de su país. & # 8221

Sería un error llamar feminista a Willard, pero ella creía en el potencial intelectual y la educación de las mujeres. En ese momento, la educación de las niñas se limitaba a ciertos temas & # 8220sofás & # 8221 & # 8212geográficos entre ellos & # 8212, pero Willard sabía que las niñas podían abordar la filosofía y las ciencias naturales con el mismo rigor que los niños. Antes de los 20, dirigía una escuela antes de los 30, había fundado la suya propia. Su escuela fue la primera en el país en educar a la mujer a nivel universitario, y los libros de texto de Willard fueron algunos de los más vendidos en Estados Unidos.

Pero sus mapas estaban entre sus mayores innovaciones. En ese momento, como escribe Schulten, & # 8220 los estadounidenses descubrieron que los mapas podían organizar y analizar información & # 8221 Willard creía que los mapas deberían capturar información sobre el barrido de la historia, una historia que se desarrolla a través del tiempo y el espacio. Creó mapas como herramienta pedagógica, con la idea de que una imagen podría ayudar a cimentar lecciones en la mente de sus alumnos. (Ella creía, como la mayoría de los educadores de su tiempo, en el poder y la precedencia de la memorización). Su atlas histórico fue uno de los principales e influyentes resultados de estos esfuerzos.

Emma Willard. Biblioteca pública de Nueva York / dominio público

En total, su atlas incluía 12 mapas, aunque ese número varía un poco entre las ediciones. El que representa los movimientos de las tribus que ella llamó un mapa & # 8220introductorio & # 8221, fuera del tiempo histórico, la historia estadounidense, tal como ella la concibió, comenzó en el período de 1492 a 1578, cuando comenzó la exploración europea de la tierra al otro lado del Atlántico. Cada mapa que siguió avanzó a lo largo de la historia del asentamiento anglosajón y el creciente control de la tierra estadounidense, destacando eventos clave, desde el desembarco de los peregrinos en Plymouth Rock hasta el Tratado de París y la guerra de 1812, y culminando con la división de estados en ese momento.

Pero ese mapa introductorio de los movimientos tribales ya apunta a este final. Los límites de los estados futuros ya están ahí, en líneas tenues. A pesar de que prestó más atención a los pueblos nativos americanos que sus contemporáneos, ayudó a formar una historia que los eliminó de la historia estadounidense.

& # 8220 A menudo enmarcaba a las tribus nativas en términos de respeto, a veces como dando la bienvenida a los colonos, mientras que otras veces como constituyendo un obstáculo formidable, pero en general aceptó la eliminación de estas tribus hacia el oeste como inevitable, & # 8221 Schulten escribe, en un artículo sobre el mapeo de Willard & # 8217s de & # 8220settler society. & # 8221

El segundo mapa de la serie Willard & # 8217s. Cortesía de Boston Rare Maps

Después del primer mapa, una vez que comienza & # 8220history & # 8221, las tribus aparecen sólo cuando & # 8217 están en conflicto con la sociedad angloamericana o influyen de alguna manera. En versiones posteriores de su atlas histórico, Willard hizo que los ilustradores representaran al Jefe Powhatan como un & # 8220great-man-child & # 8221 y a otros nativos como estupidos por la tecnología europea. Aunque es posible imaginar que la inclusión de Willard de los movimientos tribales en su libro representa una crítica de las actitudes de los colonos hacia los nativos, en última instancia, sus puntos de vista son típicos de los estadounidenses de su tiempo: Dios estaba destinado a las personas & # 8220civilizadas & # 8221. para tomar esta tierra de & # 8220savages. & # 8221

Lo que es innovador en el trabajo de Willard, cartográficamente hablando, es la forma en que trató de representar el tiempo. & # 8220Aunque ella ve como inevitable que los nativos desaparezcan, ella & # 8217 está colapsando siglos en una sola imagen & # 8221, dice Schulten. & # 8220Ella & # 8217 está tratando de mapear el tiempo de una manera diferente como preludio de lo que viene a continuación. Es realmente un argumento que tiene mucho que ver con la visión del país de Anglo-America. Ella & # 8217 es pionera en ese sentido. & # 8221


Definir el daño hecho a los estadounidenses de origen japonés fue bastante sencillo.

En ocasiones separadas, con 40 años de diferencia, el Congreso otorgó pagos a los japoneses-estadounidenses que fueron sacados de sus hogares durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial y enviados a campos de internamiento.

La Ley de reclamaciones de evacuación de japoneses estadounidenses de 1948 ofrecía una compensación por los bienes muebles e inmuebles que habían perdido. Se pagaron alrededor de $ 37 millones a 26.000 reclamantes. Pero no se hizo ninguna provisión para la pérdida de la libertad o los derechos violados.

Eso ocurrió en 1988, cuando el Congreso votó para extender una disculpa y pagar $ 20,000 a cada sobreviviente japonés-estadounidense del internamiento. Se pagaron más de $ 1.6 mil millones a 82.219 reclamantes elegibles.

El internamiento se había "llevado a cabo sin razones de seguridad adecuadas", declaró el Congreso, y estaba "motivado en gran parte por prejuicios raciales, histeria en tiempos de guerra y una falta de liderazgo político". El acto reconoció que el daño físico y emocional que habían sufrido los internados, incluida la falta de educación y capacitación laboral, nunca podría ser compensado por completo.

El proyecto de ley produjo "un sentimiento maravilloso" entre los estadounidenses de origen japonés, según el representante Robert T. Matsui, un demócrata de California que estuvo internado con sus padres cuando era niño. “Se levantó el espectro de la deslealtad que se cernió sobre nosotros durante 42 años porque estábamos encarcelados. Volvimos a estar completos como ciudadanos estadounidenses ".

La injusticia comenzó y terminó en fechas conocidas, la mayoría de las víctimas podían identificarse fácilmente a través de registros oficiales y más de la mitad seguían con vida cuando se otorgó la indemnización. La situación sería mucho más complicada y desafiante para los demandantes afroamericanos que buscan reparaciones por la esclavitud.


La tribu más despiadada del mundo que mató a un turista estadounidense en su isla "le encanta tener orgías en la playa"

LITTLE es conocido sobre los habitantes de North Sentinel Island y lo que hacemos ahora es francamente desconcertante.

La tribu Sentinelese es un pueblo indígena que ha vivido en una de las islas Andaman en el Océano Índico durante unos 55.000 años.

No tienen ningún contacto con el mundo exterior y son activamente hostiles a cualquiera que se acerque, disparando flechas a barcos y helicópteros cada vez que se acercan.

En los últimos años han matado a todos los que han pisado la isla.

Esta misma semana, John Allen Chau fue asesinado a tiros con flechas venenosas momentos después de poner un pie en la isla.

Estaba tratando de llevar las palabras de la Biblia a la tribu cuando los sentineleses ferozmente protectores lo derribaron.

Más de una década antes, en 2006, un par de pescadores que amarraron cerca de la isla y se quedaron dormidos fueron enviados por la tribu después de que su bote aterrizara en tierra.

Pero quizás el encuentro más alarmante tuvo lugar en 1970 cuando se observó a los isleños practicando sexo orgiástico frente a investigadores sorprendidos.

El antropólogo indio Triloknath Pandit observó la desconcertante escena en marzo de ese año cuando él y un equipo intentaban estudiar a la tribu solitaria.

Un grupo de miembros de la tribu amenazaba sus botes desde la orilla con arcos y flechas y la expedición estaba tratando de decidir si abandonar o no su búsqueda cuando llegaron algunas de las mujeres.

Pandit describió la escena en sus notas escribiendo: Todos comenzaron a gritar algunas palabras incomprensibles. Gritamos y gesticulamos para indicar que queríamos ser amigos.

“La tensión no cedió. En este momento, sucedió algo extraño: una mujer se emparejó con un guerrero y se sentó en la arena en un abrazo apasionado.

“Este acto estaba siendo repetido por otras mujeres, cada una reclamando una guerrera para sí misma, una especie de apareamiento comunitario, por así decirlo.

“Así disminuyó el grupo militante. Esto continuó durante bastante tiempo y cuando el ritmo de esta frenética danza del deseo disminuyó, las parejas se retiraron a la sombra de la jungla.

“Sin embargo, algunos guerreros todavía estaban en guardia. Nos acercamos a la orilla y tiramos más peces que fueron recuperados inmediatamente por algunos jóvenes.
"Era pasado el mediodía y nos dirigimos de regreso al barco".

La pequeña isla boscosa, que es de un tamaño similar a Manhattan, está incluso fuera del alcance de la armada india en un intento por proteger a la tribu de aproximadamente 150 personas de la aniquilación de enfermedades.

La tribu atrajo la atención internacional después del tsunami de 2004, cuando un miembro de la tribu fue fotografiado en una playa, disparando flechas a un helicóptero inspeccionando su bienestar.

Las campañas de organizaciones locales y sin fines de lucro han llevado al gobierno indio a abandonar sus planes de contactar a los sentineleses.

Survival International, una organización que hace campaña por los derechos de los pueblos tribales, trabaja para garantizar que no se hagan más intentos de contactar a la tribu.

The tribe's continued hostility to outsiders may lie in its colonial history.

In the late 1800s, M. V. Portman, the British Officer in Charge of the Andamanese landed, with a large crew, on the island in hope of contacting the Sentinelese.

They found recently abandoned villages and paths, but the locals were nowhere to be seen.


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Historians who seek information on the centuries when Roman Britannia became Anglo-Saxon England run into too many dead-ends. This is not for lack of trying -- distinguished scholars have been researching every inch of England's history for the last three centuries.

The problem is a paucity of materials. On the Continent, the Franks, Goths and other Germanic kingdoms left written accounts, both from their viewpoint and from that of the conquered Romans who later absorbed them. But for England, there is very little: a few British sources like Gildas and Nennius that are often limited and sometimes simply wrong, the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle," now recognized by historians as a foundation myth for the royal House of Wessex (at least in this period) rather than a serious history, and a few monastic charters, which say much more about pious legends and property and much less about history than we would like -- assuming they are not later medieval forgeries altogether.

Thus, when one runs across a production like this, comprised of essays by many of the leading Anglo-Saxon scholars, it is cause for rejoicing. In the first section, three essays lay down valuable groundwork by noting that what the Romans and their successors in the Catholic Church saw as "kings" may have looked very different to the Anglo-Saxon observer. They are referred to as rex, regius, regulus, sub-regulus and thiudan, and it is usually not clear what the distinctions meant, when they meant anything.

But the meat of the book is the second section, which covers not only what Basset calls the Heptarchy, the four kingdoms still surviving when the Vikings came (Wessex, Mercia, East Anglia and Northumbria), but numerous old and in some cases very small entities who had their own lives before being swallowed up. Martin Welch points out that Sussex may have grown from small pirate states around Pevensey and Chichester that spread into the hinterlands and eventually merged as the British fell back, and John Blair theorizes that an equivalent statelet of one Frithuwold may have become Surrey, if that state was ever independent at all. Barbara Yorke tackles the enigmatic Jutes, who may have had two kingdoms, the Isle of Wight and the mainland province that became Hampshire, before being gobbled up by expansionist Wessex. Martin Carver shows how little we actually know about East Anglia in spite of finds like the famous Sutton Hoo treasure, which he dates to the East Anglian king Raedwald. In two separate articles, Kate Pretty and Margaret Gelling tackle the Magonsaete, a small state between Mercia and Wales that had at least three of its own kings, and Pretty suggests the lack of Anglo-Saxon artifacts may mean that it was not Anglo-Saxon as much as it was a group of British farmers and villagers who started paying "protection money" to a Mercian lord but otherwise went on living as they always had. Bruce Eagles, in an essay on the equally misty history of Lindsey (now Lincoln), argues that it may never have been a kingdom at all, but rather a society of Native American-like Fen tribes who were retrospectively given kings by churchmen as a way of explaining why the Church came to have an important presence in this area.

The most interesting essays to me, however, were those by Keith Bailey and David Dumville dealing with, respectively, Middlesex and the Middle Angles -- the former appear only in a few textual references, the latter only in a much-argued-over document called the Tribal Hidage and dated by Dumville to the period of Mercian expansion. In both cases, we seem to be dealing again with smaller tribal units, with names like Geddingas, Hicce, Lullingas and Cilternsaete, who never made it to kingdom status. Both essays argue that, just as the asteroids never formed a planet because of the disruptive influence of giant Jupiter, these groups never formed a state because, in the case of the Middle Saxons, the urge of surrounding states (mostly Mercia and Essex) to dominate London kept them from coalescing, and in the case of the Middle Angles, the push-pull exerted by Mercia and East Anglia had the same effect.

All in all, the book filled in some gaps that I have been unable to find information on in years of looking. The result is to confirm that in fact the more we find out about the early Anglo-Saxon period, the less we find that what we "knew" is in fact true. While it seems unlikely that we will find much more in the way of written sources, archaeology and other disciplines keep pushing back the boundaries by contributing bits and pieces, but it seems likely that a full picture of this most elusive period of British history may remain forever out of reach.


Maori of New Zealand

In Polynesian mythology, people, the elements and every aspect of nature are descended from the one primal pair, the Sky Father and the Earth Mother. It was for this reason that the ancient Maori identified themselves so closely with nature. Before felling a tree (so slaying a child of Tane Mahuta, god of the forest) they would placate the spirits. Searching for food they would not speak of their purpose for fear that the prey might hear and make good its escape.

In the beginning there was only the darkness, Te Ponui, Te Poroa (the Great Night, the Long Night). At last, in the void of empty space, a glow appeared, the moon and the sun sprang forth and the heavens were made light. Then did Rangi (the Sky Father) live with Papa (the Earth Mother), but as the two clung together their offspring lived in darkness. The Sky lay upon the Earth, and light had not yet come between them.

Their children were vexed that they could not see, and argued among themselves as to how night and day might be made manifest. The fierce Tumatauenga (god of war) urged that they kill their parents, but Tane Mahuta (god of the forests) counselled that they separate their father Rangi from their mother Papa and in that way achieve their object. Tane's wisdom prevailed, and in turn each of the children struggled mightily to prise the Sky from the Earth. Rongo (god of cultivated food) and Tangaroa (god of the sea) did all they could, and the belligerent Tumatauenga cut and hacked. But to no avail. Finally it was Tane Mahuta who by thrusting with his mighty feet gradually lifted the anguished Rangi away from the agonised Papa. So was night distinguished from day.

Heartbroken, Rangi shed an immense quantity of tears, so much so that the oceans were formed. Tawhiri (god of wind and storm), who had opposed his brothers in the venture, was fearful that Papa would become too beautiful, and followed his father to the realm above. From there he swept down in fury to lash the trees of Tane Mahuta until, uprooted, they fell in disarray. Tawhiri then turned his rage on Tangaroa (god of the sea) who sought refuge in the depths of the ocean. But as Tangaroa fled his many grandchildren were confused, and while the fish made for the seas with him, the lizards and reptiles hid among rocks and the battered forests. It was then for Tangaroa to feel anger. His grandchildren had deserted him and were sheltering in the forests. So it is that to this day the sea is eating into the land, slowly eroding it and hoping that in time the forests will fall and Tangaroa will be reunited with his offspring.

The creation of woman: When the participants lay exhausted and peace at last descended, Tane Mahuta fashioned from clay the body of a woman, and breathed life into her nostrils. She became Hine-hauone ('the Earth-formed Maid') and bore Tane Mahuta a daughter, Hine-titama ('the Dawn Maid') who in time also bore daughters to Tane.

But Hine-titama had been unaware of her father's identity, and when she found he was the Tane she thought was her husband, she was overwhelmed with shame. She left the world of light, Te Ao, and moved to Te Po, the world below, where she became known as Hinenui-te-Po ('Great Hine the Night').

The children of Tane were plentiful, and increased and multiplied, for death held no dominion over them.

The Mapping of North America Volume II

A list of printed maps 1671-1700

An essential reference work for collectors, dealers, institutions and researchers.

The Mapping of North America II continues on from the first volume in documenting the printed cartographic record of the discovery of the continent from 1670 to 1700. Much has been written on the printed word in relation to America, and many works exist on the cartography of it. None however has attempted to comprehensively detail every known printed map.

612 pages, 270 x 365 mm., bound in burgundy cloth with colour dustjacket. With 12 + 364 map entries, 12 colour plates and 392 black and white photographs. ISBN 978-0-9527733-1-3.

The Maui Cycle in Maori Mythology

The birth of Maui

Maui, fifth of his parents' sons, was born so premature, so frail and so underdeveloped that he could not possibly have survived. So his mother, Taranga, wrapped the foetus in a knot of her hair and threw it into the sea - hence Maui's full name of Maui-tikitiki-a-Taranga ('Maui, the topknot of Taranga'). For certain he would have died, but the gods intervened and Rangi, the Sky Father, nursed him through infancy.

As a grown child, Maui returned to confront his bewildered mother and to amaze his family with feats of magic.

The snaring of the sun

Not surprisingly, Maui's four brothers were jealous of the favouritism shown him by their mother Taranga, but when he offered to slow down the sun so that the days would be longer and they would all have more time to find food, they agreed to help.

Carrying the enchanted jawbone of his grandmother, Maui led his brothers eastwards, to the edge of the pit from which the sun rises each morning. There, as it rose, the brothers snared the sun with huge plaited flax ropes. As they held it still, Maui with the enchanted jawbone cruelly smashed the sun's face time and time again, until it was so feeble that it could but creep across the sky - and continues so to do to this very day.

Maui snares and beats the sun to slow its transit through the sky

The Fish of Maui

Maui's brothers, weary of seeing their younger brother catch fish by the kit full when they could barely hook enough to feed their families, usually tried to leave him behind when they went fishing. But their wives complained to Maui of a lack of fish, so he promised them a catch so large they would be unable to finish it before it went bad.

To make good his boast Maui carefully prepared a special fishhook which he pointed with a chip from the magic jawbone, and then hid under the flooring mats of his brothers' fishing canoe.

At dawn the brothers silently set sail, thinking they had managed to leave their brother behind, and only when they were well out to sea did Maui emerge. The brothers were furious, but it was too late to turn back. After they had fished in vain, Maui suggested that they sail until well out of sight of land, where they would catch as many fish as the canoe could carry. The dispirited brothers were easily persuaded, and Maui's prediction came true. But even when the canoe was so overladen with fish that it was taking on water and the brothers were ready to set sail for home, Maui produced his own hook and line and against their protests insisted on throwing it out. For bait, he struck his nose until it bled and smeared the hook with his own blood. As Maui began to chant a spell 'for the drawing up of the world' the line went taut. Though the canoe lurched over and was close to sinking, Maui grimly hauled all the harder and his terrified brothers bailed the more furiously.

Maui fishing up the North Island of New Zealand

At last Maui's catch was dragged to the surface and they all gazed in wonder. For Maui's hook had caught in the gable of the whare runanga (meeting house) of Tonganui (Great South) and with it had come the vast wedge of land now called the North Island of New Zealand, called by the Maori Te Ika a Maui, 'the Fish of Maui'.

Such an immense fish was indeed tapu (sacred) and Maui hastily returned to his island home for a tohunga (priest) to lift the tapu. Though he bade them wait till he return before they cut up the fish, Maui's brothers began to scale and eat the fish as soon as he was gone - a sacrilege that angered the gods and caused the fish to writhe and lash about. For this reason much of the North Island is mountainous. Had Maui's counsel been followed the whole island today would have been level.

In mythology the feat of Maui in providing land ranks only after the separation of Earth and Sky in the story of creation. According to some tribes not only is the North Island the 'Fish of Maui' but the South Island is the canoe from which the gigantic catch was made and Stewart Island its anchor-stone. Maui's fishhook is Cape Kidnappers in Hawke's Bay, once known as Te Matau a Maui, 'Maui's fishhook'. Throughout Polynesia the Maui myths are recounted and the claim is made by other islands that Maui fished them from the deep. This supports the theory that Maui may have been an early voyager, a creator-discoverer, who seemed to fish up new land as it slowly appeared above the horizon.

Maui tries to conquer death

Maui's final feat was to try to win immortality for mankind. Had not Maui tamed the sun? Could he not also tame the night of death? With an expedition, Maui set out to the west, to the place where Hinenui-te-Po, the goddess of death, lay asleep. To accomplish his aim, Maui was to enter her womb, travel through her body and emerge from her mouth. If he succeeded death would never have dominion over humans. With the bird who went with him Maui discussed the plans for his most daring feat, for which he would take on the form of a caterpillar, his magic jawbone making such transformation possible. But the sight of Maui as a caterpillar inching his way over Hine's thigh as she lay sleeping was altogether too much for the little tiwakawaka (fantail), who could not restrain a chirrup of delight. With a start Hine awoke, realised the plan and crushed the helpless Maui between her thighs.

So died Maui-tikitiki-a-Taranga, and so death remained in the world for ever more. You also are mortal - remember that, and mould your conduct accordingly during your brief time in this world.

The Coming of the Polynesian

Origin of the Polynesian

Linguistic, molecular biological and archaeological evidence has established that Polynesia was peopled from Asia. Mitochondrial DNA studies demonstrate that Polynesians and the aboriginal population of Taiwan share a common ancestor, and language evolution studies suggest that the origin of most Pacific populations lies in Taiwan, about 5200 years ago. As the population there expanded, people probably filtered east across the Malayan, Philippine and Indonesian archipelagos and Melanesia. This movement became increasingly isolated from its cultural origins, the culture it carried began to develop independently and recognisably differing cultures ultimately emerged. By about the time the movement reached Tonga and Samoa, perhaps 4,000 years ago, the 'Polynesian' culture may be said to have emerged.

Thor Heyerdahl has argued that the population movement from Asia in fact took place in a northerly direction, then swept east across the Bering Strait and finally reached the Pacific proper by way of the Americas. Central to this thesis is the presence throughout Polynesia of the kumara, a sweet potato native to South America, the distribution of which remains something of a puzzle. The kumara grows from a tuber and so could not have been borne by birds nor, it is clear, could the plant have survived being carried by sea currents across the ocean from South America to East Polynesia. It must have been carried by human travellers. Moreover, not only is the plant found throughout Polynesia, but it is also known by its South American name. Although Heyerdahl's celebrated Kon-Tiki expedition (1947) established that it was possible for Polynesia to have been peopled by way of the Americas, his theory has failed to win general acceptance. Kumara has been radiocarbon-dated in the Cook Islands to 1000 AD, and current thinking is that it was brought to central Polynesia circa 700 AD, possibly by Polynesians who had traveled to South America and back, and spread across Polynesia to Hawaii and New Zealand from there.

'Hawaiki'

In time the Marquesas and later the Society Islands evolved as early centres of Polynesian culture. On one of the Society group, Rai'atea (west of Tahiti), Polynesian culture found its highest form. Many believe that it was this revered cultural centre that was 'Hawaiki', a place much venerated in tradition as the 'homeland' of the Maori people, for it is plain that Maori culture derives from East Polynesia.

The concept of 'Hawaiki', of a 'homeland' from which the forbears of each migratory group had come, is found throughout Polynesia and is applied to differing areas both within and without the region. It may simply have been a general way of describing the area from which the last movement had been made in the course of the settlement of the island groups throughout Polynesia.

To some Maori tribes 'Hawaiki' is a reference to the Cook Islands, possibly because their ancestors came to New Zealand from the Society Islands by way of the Cook group. Maori in the Chatham Islands have even referred to the South Island of New Zealand in this way.

It was on the base of Polynesian culture that the intricacies of Maori culture were structured. Indeed, throughout Polynesia there are common elements in language, legend and place names. The myth of the separation of Earth and Sky is generally constant, and the Maui cycle is common throughout the region.

The coming of Kupe

According to popular tradition (whose authenticity is at the very least questionable) it was the Polynesian voyager Kupe (fl. c. AD 950) who discovered New Zealand, a land he named Aotearoa (usually translated as 'land of the long white cloud' or 'land of mists'). In one of a variety of conflicting legends it is said that in 'Hawaiki' Kupe had murdered the carver Hoturapa and made off not only with Hoturapa's canoe, but also with his wife. Hoturapa's relatives sought vengeance and pursued the guilty pair who, in the course of a lengthy voyage, lived for some time in Aotearoa and named several of its features. Curiously, only some tribes have any traditions of Kupe at all. Those who do generally say that Kupe found the 'Fish of Maui' uninhabited and eventually returned to 'Hawaiki' to give the sailing instructions that, according to popular belief, were followed by migrating canoes four centuries later.

Toi and Whatonga

If Kupe encountered no tangata whenua ('people of the land'), according to popular tradition the next Polynesian voyagers said to have reached Aotearoa most certainly did. Whatonga (c. 1130-90?), so one version runs, was competing in canoe races off 'Hawaiki' when, in a sudden storm, his canoe was blown out to sea. His grandfather, Toi (fl. c. 1150), despaired of his ever returning and so set out to find him. In the meantime Whatonga is said to have returned to 'Hawaiki', to have found Toi gone and in turn to have set out to look for him. The story concludes with the pair being reunited at Whakatane (Bay of Plenty) in c. 1150. Those on Toi's canoe intermarried with local tangata whenua and settled at Whakatane to form the genesis of today's Ngati Awa and Te Ati Awa tribes. Those with Whatonga made their homes on the Mahia Peninsula. The chronology of these genealogies is surely totally unreliable.

Maori Chronology doubted

The Kupe-Toi-Whatonga chronology is based in present-day tradition and, with the 'Fleet' myth, is viewed with scepticism by most historians. However, some genealogies establish Kupe in the 14 C and so would have him living in Aotearoa right at the time that settlement seems to have been established, based on radiocarbon dating - see dating of the appearance of the polynesian rat, below. Toi is placed anywhere from 29 to 42 generations ago, and some conclude that not only were there two Kupe but there were also two Toi - Toi kai rakau, a native-born origin ancestor, and Toi te huatahi, a 'Hawaikian' who never came to New Zealand.

Some early students of the Maori distorted and even at times destroyed material that did not accord with their theories. The works of these historians have passed not just into European folklore but have been 'fed back' into Maori tradition. This is not to discount completely the value of Maori tradition as a clue to prehistory, but to query the status accorded some tradition as authentic Maori tradition.

Recent radiocarbon dating of rat-gnawed seeds seems to date the arrival of the first people in New Zealand as definitively around 1280, some 360 years before the arrival of European explorers (Abel Tasman, 1642) (Wilmshurst et al. PNAS 2010). The Pacific rat (kiore) cannot swim very far and hence must have arrived in New Zealand as a stowaway or cargo on polynesian canoes. The rat gnaw marks on seeds are unmistakable and radiocarbon dating of the bones of rats themselves also gives an earliest limit of 1280. This is consistent with other evidence from the oldest dated archaeological sites, some Maori whakapapa (genealogies), widespread forest clearance by fire and a decline in the population of marine and land-based fauna. Most whakapapa yield likely dates several hundred years earlier but they provide weak evidence at best.

Migration from East Polynesia

Tradition continues that two centuries after the expedition of Toi and Whatonga, the Society Islands (Windward and Leeward Islands, including Tahiti) had become so overpopulated that food shortages and war were inducing a number of Polynesians to migrate. In Maori tradition, a number of canoes made the journey to New Zealand, among them the Arawa, Tainui, Aotea, Mataatua, Tokomaru, Takitimu, Horouta, Tohora, Mamari, Ngatokimatawhaorua, Mahuhu and Kurahaupo. It is from these canoes, which some believe arrived in the 14 C, that most Maori claim their descent.

Early New Zealand historians gave rise to the concept of an organised 'fleet' setting sail for New Zealand, but this view has been completely discredited and is without foundation in Maori tradition.

Conversely, it has even been suggested that a single canoe with perhaps 30 occupants, of which half were women, could, with an annual increase of only one percent, account for a population in 1769 of the dimensions described by Cook. According to this theory a single canoe might have landed in Northland, New Zealand, from 'Hawaiki'. Over the generations the 'ancestral' canoes of Maori tradition might have set sail not from the Society Islands but from a Northland 'Hawaiki', and not to voyage across the Pacific but to skirt the New Zealand coastline.

That at least one canoe arrived from East Polynesia, either directly or indirectly, is beyond dispute (and if one could arrive, why not two?). Why it came remains a matter of controversy. Did each canoe which came deliberately set sail for New Zealand? Or did they come by chance over a span of up to three centuries, being blown off course while travelling between groups of islands?

Those who support the theory that migration throughout Polynesia was deliberate rather than accidental claim an extraordinary navigational ability for the Polynesians which would have enabled them to sail vast distances to reach minute destinations. Cook noted that 'the sun is their guide by day and the stars at night . (in a storm) they are then bewildered, frequently miss their intended port and are never heard of more.'

This suggests that the peopling of the farther islands of Polynesia such as New Zealand and Hawaii may have been accidental rather than deliberate - or the product of 'drift voyages' which took place when whole groups were forced to abandon their home islands and simply set sail for wherever the elements bore them. However, there is a considerable body of opinion and evidence to the contrary and the topic remains one of controversy. Maori tradition with its history of ancestral canoes generally opposes the theory of accidental settlement.

Wherever their starting point, some of the ancestral canoes are said to have travelled in pairs for the greater part of the journey, and may have been single-hulled canoes lashed together. This would have given greater stability for an ocean voyage, with the hulls separating for the hazardous business of making landfall, and would explain how the Tainui and Arawa could have arrived at the same place (Whangaparaoa, East Cape) at so nearly the same time that the tribes could argue as to which had arrived first. It would also account for the Aotea canoe's being close by to rescue those in the Kurahaupo when it was wrecked en route.


England, But New: How John Smith’s 1616 Map Helped Define America

Massachusetts

In the mythology of the Americas, the English soldier John Smith is most famous for his association with Pocahontas, the Powhatan woman known for her interactions with Jamestown settlers. But he made another indelible contribution to what’s now the United States—he named the area of the country that stretches from Cape Cod up the coast of Maine. The region would later become a key part of the American narrative, the site of the first Thanksgiving. He called it “New England,” and the name stuck.

The map above, first published in 1616, marks the first time anyone called New England “New England.” Two years before, after being shut out of the leadership of Jamestown, and looking for a new foothold in the Americas, Smith joined an expedition that sailed up the coast of what was then called “North Virginia.” What he saw there sparked his colonial imagination. He could envision British settlements scattered along rivers, surviving on the rich fisheries, ample hunting, and potential farmland.

So Smith raised money to bring a party of settlers across the ocean, and in 1615 they set out, only to be quickly captured by pirates. After his release, Smith struggled to find further financing. When Pocahontas—who by then went by the name Rebecca Rolfe—planned a trip to London, Smith rushed to publish an account of his American experience, which included the New England map. “I would rather live here than anywhere,” he wrote.

It was an advertisement, a real estate brochure, of sorts. “The map conveys settlement as a sure bet,” writes historian Susan Schulten, in her book A History of America, in 100 Maps, published in fall 2018. But in 1616 the villages that dotted the map didn’t really exist. Smith let the then–Prince Charles (who would become king in 1626) swap in whatever he wanted for the indigenous names of places marked on the map. We still use a few of those names today—Cape Ann, the River Charles, Plymouth.

Before they set out across the Atlantic, the Pilgrims bought a copy of Smith’s map, although it’s unclear if they brought it with them, since they had intended to sail farther south. But they were blown to the area that Charles had called “Plimouth,” and they stayed there.

“A map of New-England, being the first that ever was here cut.” Norman B. Leventhal Map Center/Boston Public Library/Public domain

The New England that Smith imagined took form over the following decades, and in 1677 William Hubbard and John Foster published a homegrown map of the region (above). The settlers had just fought a war against the Wampanoag leader Metacomet (also known as King Philip), and the map is “the first that was ever here cut,” the creators note. It shows British settlements spreading through the Massachusetts Bay colony to the Connecticut River. It’s one of the only images left that New Englanders made in that era.

Smith’s map had left native tribes out altogether. The later map had to include them, as it was meant to show, in part, the conflicts settlers encountered. But Schulten points out that the native settlements are marked by trees, as if they’re part of the natural landscape. Whatever stories British settlers told about the “pristine” landscapes of “New England,” their maps reflected. To some extent, we still indulge in those myths today. The story of Thanksgiving, in its typical form, is about cooperation between settlers and the tribes who lived here already. But as these early maps indicate, colonists never saw the residents of this land as an important part of the story. They saw the land they wanted to make their own.


Indian Removal Act: The Genocide of Native Americans

Native American Headdress. Source: Chris Parfitt, Creative Commons.

Genocide is the systematic destruction of peoples based on ethnicity, religion, nationality, or race. It is the culmination of human rights violations. There are numerous examples of genocide throughout history, some being more infamous than others. For example, Hitler and the Jewish Holocaust is probably the most well-known case of genocide in modern history. There are other cases that are not as well known, especially in our American culture where, historically, we tend to focus on the atrocities of others and ignore our own. One such case is Native American genocide by European colonists, and later, the United States government. The purpose of this blog is to objectively examine a few of cases of genocide against Native American peoples, by European settlers and the United States government, and understand why they occurred.

Thanksgiving, a traditional holiday in the United States, would not have been possible without the Algonquian tribes that befriended early English and Dutch settlers in the New World. In fact, many early 17 th century European settlers died, in the first few years of colonization, due to starvation and disease. Turkey, pumpkin and Indian corn are three traditional foods of Thanksgiving were actually introduced to the Pilgrims by the Algonquians. Initially, some of these foods were foreign to the struggling European colonists. However, over the course of several years, the colonists learned how to survive in their new environment with the help of their Native American neighbors. The first Thanksgiving was a three-day harvest festival, with ninety-one “savages” in attendance, who gifted the Pilgrims with five freshly killed deer, as their contribution to the festivities. The Pilgrims were impressed with the deer, one noting that it would have taken them (the colonists) a week to hunt five deer, yet the “savages” accomplished this in one day (Heath 82). The Pilgrims viewed their Native American neighbors as “savages” due to ethnocentrism and a worldview based on natural law, or a natural hierarchy based on God’s design. This hierarchy is a Eurocentric philosophy placing the white man as superior and other races, such as, Black, Asian and Native American as inferior.

Source: Mike Licht, Creative Commons

In the following years, as the alliance between the colonists at Plymouth and their Native American neighbors grew, social conflicts began to erupt. The death of Captain John Stone was the first misunderstanding between the Pequot, a neighboring tribe, and the Puritans. There was a failure in justice, as the Puritans saw it, as they wanted the Pequot responsible for Jones’ death to face English law, rather than allow the Pequot to administer justice themselves. Also, one must take into account how the Pequot were viewed by the Puritans as “savages”. This affected how the Puritans interpreted the actions of the Pequot and their place in God’s plan. These views were first reinforced through ignorance of medical knowledge. The pandemic of 1617-1619 killed many Puritans as well as Native Americans, and served to reinforce a worldview based on religious mysticism rather than objective knowledge. Neither the Puritans nor the Native Americans understood how disease was transmitted. This lack of knowledge made it difficult to comprehend their susceptibility, due to a compromised immune system, to foreign microorganisms. The Puritans being affected by the New World microorganisms and the Indians succumbing to European microorganisms brought by the colonists fostered distrust, accusation, and death (Cave 15).

The Puritan worldview consisted of two parties: God’s party being white Satan’s party being dark, heathen and doomed. The New World was a spiritual battleground, and it is amazing that peace lasted as long as it did, with war being the primary vehicle of God’s deliverance and justice, in the Puritan mind. In short, the Pequot War was a war of misunderstandings and natural law, in which the Puritans were righteous and justified, while the Pequot were heathens, soldiers of Satan, and inhuman (Cave 18). The Pequot War lasted almost a year, from 1636 to 1637, with both parties being experienced warriors. In the end, the Pequot were defeated and this relatively short, small-scale conflict served to justify the killing of Native Americans by creating an image of untrustworthy savages that were plotting to destroy those doing God’s work in the New World. This became the bedrock of American frontier mythology (Cave 168).

The Pequot were not the last Native American tribe in New England to suffer what the Puritans believed to be divine mandated justice. The Narragansetts and the Wampanoags, once friends of the English in the early 17 th century, both discovered, before the end of that century, that the Puritan conception of God’s providential plan for New England left no room to assert Native American autonomy. Such assertions were an offense to the Puritan sense of mission. As the population ratio between the English and the Native Americans in New England shifted in favor of the English, the Puritans authorities became increasingly overbearing in their dealings with their Native American counterparts. Puritan Indian policy, from its inception, was driven by the conviction that if Puritans remained faithful to their covenant with God, they were destined to replace the Indians as masters of New England. By the end of the 17 th century, economic changes, such as the declining importance of the fur trade and the expansion of English agriculture and industry, effectively reduced the need for Indian commerce, further jeopardizing the status of Native American communities in New England (Cave 174).

The intolerance of Indian cultures reflected essential elements of the Puritan worldview as a struggle between heathen savagery and Christian civilization. Puritan ideology was founded on three premises, which later translated into vital elements of the mythology of the American West. The first was the image of the Native American as primitive, dark and of evil intent. The second was the portrayal of the Indian fighter as an agent of God and of progress, redeeming the land through righteous violence. And finally, the justification of the expropriation of Indian resources and the extinction of Indian sovereignty as security measures necessitated by their presumed savagery (Cave 176).

By the 19 th century, this mythology began to reflect itself within Unites States governmental policy, during the presidency of Andrew Jackson. The United States went through a major reorientation in race relations during this time. The growing abolition movement led the way to the sectionalism of the Civil War and the consequent emancipation of the slaves. This dramatic transformation in racial policy did not include the Native American tribes of the Southeastern United States (Cherokees, Creeks, Choctaws, Chickasaws and Seminoles), who were considered “the most civilized tribes in America” because of their adoption of the agricultural system of their white neighbors, including the institution of black chattel slavery (McLoughlin xii). By 1838, the Cherokees were forcibly expelled from their ancestral homeland and relocated to the Oklahoma territory, by way of what is now known as the Trail of Tears. The Cherokee tried to prevent this and maintain their sovereign “nation” by adopting a constitution, based on that of the United States, to govern their own land under laws and elected officials. At the same time, the sovereign state of Georgia was attempting to abolish the Cherokee Nation and incorporate the Cherokee under their own laws. Andrew Jackson became president in 1828 and one of his first priorities was to resolve this issue.

Jackson, being a slave owner and a renowned Indian fighter of the Western frontier, sided with Georgia, supporting states’ rights to supersede treaty rights. The issue was brought before the Supreme Court twice, once in 1831 in Cherokee Nation vs. Georgia and again in 1832 in Worchester vs. Georgia. Chief Justice John Marshall described the Cherokees as “a domestic, dependent nation” and he proclaimed the unconstitutionality of Georgia’s laws, asserting that federal authority overruled states’ rights regarding Indian treaties. However, Jackson had already persuaded Congress to pass the Indian Removal Act in 1830 that made it virtually impossible for any eastern tribe to escape ceding its land and moving to “Indian territory”, west of the Mississippi River (McLoughlin 2). It is worth noting that, in modern times, these acts would be violations of U.N. Charter, Article 1.2 which asserts, “To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace”.

Source: John Perry, Creative Commons

Thus, in 1838, the Cherokee were forced from their land and “escorted” west. The trip was estimated to take eighty days, but some of the contingents took almost twice as long due to inclement winter weather, unrelenting sickness because of exposure, and dangerous ice flows while crossing the Mississippi River. Before the Cherokee left on this epic trek, almost 1,500 had died from epidemics in the camps they were housed in another 1600 died on the journey. As a result of their weakened condition, along with the absence of housing and food, many more died soon after reaching their destination. The United States government had guaranteed supplies for the Cherokee’s new home, for a year after their arrival, but rations were hired out to private contractors who made extra profits by providing less than they had agreed to supply. Oftentimes, what they did provide was rotten meat and moldy corn and flour (McLoughlin 7).

In current times, the Dakota Access Pipeline represents another affront to Native American sovereignty and further marginalization of Native American peoples in this instance, the Sioux tribe located in Standing Rock, North Dakota. There are two primary issues the Sioux have against the pipeline: The pipeline will contaminate drinking water and damage sacred burial sites. Originally, the pipeline was designed to go through Bismarck, North Dakota but was rejected by the citizens there because they didn’t want to risk contaminating their drinking water. The ensuing Standing Rock protests that took place, after the pipeline was redirected through Sioux land, arguing they deserve the same rights and considerations as the citizens of Bismarck.

Throughout American history, the treatment of indigenous Native Americans has violated numerous articles of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights. These violations resulted in the loss of numerous Native American homelands, the Cherokee being only one example, and the genocide of numerous other smaller tribes since the beginning of European colonization. This is largely due to Eurocentric ideals, like the natural law of the Puritan worldview, which elevates the status of European peoples over that of indigenous, Native American peoples through a biased worldview. This mindset is so pervasive and powerful that it still prevails today, evidenced by modern films and television that paint Native American tribes as savage, ignorant and of ill intent toward the “white man”, and the policies of the current United States government. These governmental policies have resulted in the alienation and marginalization of Native American peoples throughout American history. These violations include the removal of Native Americans from their traditional homeland to reservations, oftentimes very far away from their ancestral lands, and in many cases, the genocide of Native American tribes altogether. The violations were masked in the form of “treaties” between indigenous tribes and the U.S. government, though these treaties were often a choice between the survival of a tribe or their complete and utter destruction. In short, the Native American tribes were never in a position, or held enough power, to ever guarantee a fair deal with the U.S. government in these negotiations. The result of this imbalance of power and lack of respect manifested itself in the form of genocide and the loss of human rights, and their homelands, for many indigenous peoples of North America.

Cave, A. A. (1996). The Pequot War. The University of Massachusetts Press.

Heath, D. B. (1963). A Journal of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. Corinth Books, Inc.

McLoughlin, W. G. (1993). After the Trail of Tears. The University of North Carolina Press.